Steven Hill, political author and Director of the Political Reform Program at the think tank New America Foundation has written a fascinating book that deserves to be read widely in the United States. Europe’s Promise is a comparison of American and European economies, societal institutions, approaches to foreign and domestic public policy, democratic practices, and economic and political structures where the author dispels misconceptions about the European economy, society and culture commonly held by Americans.
Overtaxed Europeans, inefficient and bureaucratic welfare states, a scloretic economy, high unemployment and inefficient political practices are myths that are quickly erased as Hill describes the development of the modern-day European Union countries from the post World War II period up to 2008. Hill paints a portrait of the European Union as ultra-modern, high technology savvy, and collectively, an economic powerhouse that seems to have implemented a system which distributes the rewards of a productive, capitalist economy more broadly and equitably throughout society. The result, according to Hill, are societies which are more stable, physically healthy, highly educated, has highest levels of quality of life for the vast majority of their populations, and whose people are buffered and insulated from the worst effects of the global economic downturn of the past three years.
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A common complaint among many people is that government, politicians and government entities are not responsive to the needs and concerns of average, ordinary citizens. That there are no easy, direct routes for ordinary people in order to have meaningful communications and relationship with government and the people who run it.
An initiative I wrote about a while ago called Government 2.0 is an example of a massive effort on the part of government to directly engage citizens through the creative and innovative use of social media such as blogs, Twitter, Facebook, RSS feeds, and other web 2.0 technologies. I’ve been wading into the pool of government 2.0 initiatives the past few months and have found some very fascinating stuff. On the surface, a lot of it seems to be good, ready access to officials. The true test of whether or not these efforts are sincere and truly an honest effort to engage citizens, is if average, ordinary folks who wish to be engaged with government can actually engage government using these tools.
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The following is an eye-opening article by Filipino blogger, journalist and activist Mong Palatino on the state of Filipino youth in 2005. I got his permission to reproduce his article in full over here at my blog and am doing so because I think he has a lot of very provocative and important insights regarding the effect of free-market economic policies, privatization, and neo-liberal globalization in a society. What occurred to me in reading it is that what he was saying about Filipino youth could very well be what the near future might look like for middle and working class youth here in the U.S. The Philippine educational system and economy has been molded to a great degree according to free-market principles, deregulation and privatization with minimal interference by the state. The results speak for themselves and serve as a stark reminder on what future may be in store for U.S. society if it follows the same path.
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I have had my first extensive exposure to grass roots legislative advocacy these past few weeks. I am working with human rights group, Katarungan to find a way to influence U.S. Congress members to attach human rights preconditions to a Congressional Appropriations bill that involves millions of dollars in military and other aid to the Philippines. In simple terms, we want Congress to put human rights conditions on money earmarked for the Philippine government, particularly military aid.
Why We Are Doing This
Katarungan is a Washington, DC-based Filipino-American grassroots organization. It seeks to address human rights violations in the Philippines through public education and lobbying the U.S. Congress.
Since 2001, Philippine human rights organizations, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the United Nations have documented hundreds of cases of extra-judicial killings, disappearances and torture in the Philippines. These reports tie these violations to elements of the Philippine military–one of the largest recipients of U.S. military aid in the world.
The Legislation in Question
Just this past week, I received word from our network of Congressional observers that the budget for FY2009 (Fiscal Year 2009) contains $30 million dollars for US aid to the Philippines with only $2 million set with human rights preconditions.
Here’s the actual language in Sec 774 of S3288
S.3288: Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 2009 (Placed on Calendar in Senate)
PHILIPPINES
SEC. 774. Of the funds appropriated by this Act under the heading `Foreign Military Financing Program’, not to exceed $30,000,000 may be made available for assistance for the Philippines, of which $2,000,000 may not be obligated until the Secretary of State reports in writing to the Committees on Appropriations that–
(1) the Government of the Philippines is implementing the recommendations of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions;
(2) the Government of the Philippines is implementing a policy of promoting military personnel who demonstrate professionalism and respect for human rights, and is investigating and prosecuting military personnel and others who have been credibly alleged to have violated human rights; and
(3) the Philippine Armed Forces is not engaging in acts of intimidation or violence against members of legal organizations who advocate for human rights.
This bill will not likely be voted on until January 2009 so there is some time us to try and influence it. Here are some observations:
Implications: The Good
That they actually have the human rights language at all in the bill is a victory of sorts
Implications: The Bad
(1) The preconditions are attached only to a small amount in the total spending bill. This seems like the preconditions were just tacked on as an afterthought to head off any Public Relations problems in the future. So they can say “oh we placed the human rights language there” if they were ever challenged.
(2) It appears the Philippine Government has powerful allies in the U.S. Congress. We got word that some members of the Senate wanted to do away with tacking on the human rights language altogether. In addition, total amount earmarked is double of what the State Department is actually requesting ($15 million).
As activists, therefore, the job of Katarungan is to find a way to influence Congress to either (a) increase the amount of Philippine aid with human rights preconditions, or (b) put the human rights conditions on the entire amount.
Can Ordinary People Influence Congress?
(1) How do we go about influencing Congress? We are just a bunch of concerned, ordinary folks with no lobbying experience or a professional lobbying firm representing us. Note that the Philippine government has a professional lobbying firm representing its interests in the US Congress. We don’t have large-scale funding and manpower that can get the attention of Congress members the way professional lobbyists and large corporate and other interests with deep pockets can.
(2) As US citizens and taxpayers, there has to be some sort of ready mechanism for ordinary people like us to tell and influence our lawmakers that we disagree with how they are spending our tax dollars. Especially because we do not want our tax dollars to go towards rewarding human rights violations overseas. In this case, we are finding trying to work “within the system” to be a frustrating process akin to navigating a complicated labyrinth or maze of schedules, contacts, regulations, and procedures.
Final Thoughts
Despite the challenges, the best bet is still to go through the traditional means of lobbying Congress and influencing their decisions-through writing letters, calling Congressional offices, and perhaps if we are lucky enough, making presentations face to face with Congressional members and their staff.
A big challenge we face is mobilizing the Filipino-American community to support our goals. Our case is much stronger with the Filipino-American community behind our efforts. Another important audience are human rights and religious groups for whom the issue of human rights hits close to home as many of the targets of the political violence in the Philippines have been church-based people and groups. These two articles (article 1 and article 2) illustrate how the issue is gaining momentum within the religious community.
There are no guarantees that Congress members will even read, let alone, be influenced by our letters and other efforts. We are doing this as our best shot in using the available legitimate and “official” routes to pushing for social change. If we succeed, it would be a testament to the efforts and persistence among our group of volunteers more than anything else. Our argument is essentially, a moral one. We shall see by how our efforts pan out if such a strategy can still have resonance.
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An exercise in comparing and contrasting
Alvaro Vargas Llosa writes “The Return of the Idiot” in Foreign Policy Magazine (2007)
Throughout the 20th century, Latin America’s populist leaders waved Marxist banners, railed against foreign imperialists, and promised to deliver their people from poverty. One after another, their ideologically driven policies proved to be sluggish and shortsighted. Their failures led to a temporary retreat of the strongman. But now, a new generation of self-styled revolutionaries is trying to revive the misguided methods of their predecessors.
Noam Chomsky writes in “The Empire and Ourselves” in A Solidarity Pamphlet (1986)
If you want to learn something about the nature of the Soviet Union, what kind of a government it is and what kind of a society they run, one of the best things to do is look at Eastern Europe. That tells you what they do whey they have a chance, when something is under their control.
Central America and the Caribbean have been in the iron grip of the United States for a century and therefore they tell us a lot about ourselves. What you find if you look is one of the world’s worst horror chambers. There’s starvation, slave labor, torture, massacre by U.S. clients. Virtually every effort to bring about some constructive change has led to a new dose of U.S. violence.
Noam Chomsky talks about the role of the United States in the history of the Carribean and Latin America. Of propping up and openly supporting brutal dictators in Haiti, El Salvador, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic. Of undermining leaders of legitimate popular movements for democracy, and of sponsoring death squads.
He surprisingly mentions the names of John Kennedy and Jimmy Carter, iconic among American liberals, as culpable in crafting policies that led to these atrocities, along with Reagan. What Chomsky argues is that the American political and economic elite has historically maintained a façade of being supportive of the ideals of liberal democracy and a free society but have no scruples in undermining and destroying popular political movements and popularly elected governments in other countries if these movements endanger American business and political interests.
Llosa talks about Latin American leftist leaders and what he asserts are their misguided economic policies and authoritarian tendencies. He talks about Western intellectuals enamored of leftist leaders such as Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, and Ecuador’s Evo Morales who favor policies such as nationalization of a their country’s industries, who champion the poor and indigenous people, and who are virulently anti-American in their stance towards the United States. He favors a world that is rid of these types of leaders and the ideas they subscribe to so that Latin America can follow socioeconomic policies along the lines of free and open markets, privatization, and friendly relations with the United States.
What does this have to do with American politics for ordinary folks?
I would argue that for this ordinary folk, the issue and idea of the foreign policies being enacted by my government says a lot to the world about the United States. If the United States has a history of covert and overt abuses in Latin America Llosa conveniently forgets to include these examples in his tirade against leftist leaders. The anti-Americanism of these popular and populist leftist leaders and hostility to free-market style economic reforms such as those favored by the US is a natural outgrowth and reaction to the history of US intervention in the region.
I favor a populist brand of politics such as those abhorred by Llosa within the United States. A true, grassroots, bottom-up expression of popular democracy which will support movements for liberal democracies world wide and whose popularly elected government will follow a foreign policy that supports those ideals. A foreign policy that will not follow policies such as those reported by Chomsky in his article. Does this politics have to be leftist? Not necessarily. I support true, grassroots democracy and I know that such expressions don’t necessarily equate to leftist politics.
Here is a quote from Chomsky’s article that I think is very prescient:
Now, there is no reason at all for us to allow this horror story to continue. In a country as free as this one, there is a great deal that can be done to reverse this course. It basically requires two things. The first thing is that it requires a certain amount of honesty. Enough honesty to learn who we are and what we do in the world and what we’ve been doing for a long, long time. Secondly, it requires a certain degree of courage and commitment, namely to devote ourselves to changing a world of terror and suffering that we have helped to create and now maintain.
Also check out “On Class-Based Politics“