An Ordinary Person

Obama and Red-Baiting

August 18, 2008
2 Comments

In my meanderings in the Internet and in political discussions in the mainstream media I often encounter the argument that Obama will be no good as President of the U.S. because he is a Socialist.

I Googled the keywords “Obama” and “Socialist” and I got this link to Yahoo Answers which posed the question to the public. While many of the responders believed Obama to be Socialist, not everyone elaborated on why they thought so.

One responder, I thought, clarified the issue quite well by citing what real Socialists have said about Obama from the World Socialist Web Site (article 1 and article 2).

Obama is a conventional bourgeois politician, dependent, like his rivals, on lavish financial support from corporate interests and the wealthy. He is not the product of any sort of genuine movement from below in American society, but rather the latest in a long line of demagogues employed to foster illusions that the big business-controlled political system can serve the interests of ordinary people.

The Socialist Worker says:

At first glance, Obama may seem to be one of the so-called “good Democrats.” But Obama is more Bill Clinton than Cynthia McKinney–an operator with his sights set on the “real politick” of the Democratic Party establishment, who has increasingly jettisoned whatever progressive ideas he may have once held.

As Chicago-based Palestinian rights activist Ali Abunimah recently recalled of Obama, “he was often very progressive about Israel-Palestine” as a state senator, even attending fundraisers in the Palestinian community. But as Abunimah concluded, “it all went out the window when he started his climb up the greasy pole.”

That “greasy pole” is the only way to the top of the Democratic Party–and what’s true about Obama on Palestine is true about Obama on Iraq and on immigrant and workers’ rights.

Another article says:

There’s no doubt that Obama’s campaign–or at least its incarnation during the Democratic primaries–mobilized first-time voters and raised hopes for “change” among millions of people. But declaring Obama’s campaign a social movement is an exercise in sophistry at best, and self-delusion at worst.

A discussion of social movements is beyond the scope of this article, but suffice it to say that the mobilization of millions in militant struggle in the union movement of the 1930s or in the civil rights movement of the 1950s/60s–against the forces of the state and employers–is a different phenomenon than voting in a bourgeois political primary. To confuse the two is to lose any realistic way to assess what is actually needed to win the type of social change the Progressives for Obama seek.

Any effort to tailor demands for progressive reforms to what is acceptable to an Obama administration’s assessment of the politics of “the possible” risks settling for a lot less than could be won with an independent mobilization that forces all Washington politicians to address the movement’s agenda.

That settles it for me about the “Is Obama a Socialist?” question. If actual Socialists disavow any connections to him and view him with great suspicion more likely than not he is not a Socialist. If you are going to use that argument to sway people from voting for Obama you are most likely fear-mongering and red-baiting, using “Socialist” as a pejorative boogeyman than you are actually discussing the merits of Obama as a candidate.

Red-Baiting and Movement-Building

Now a more interesting question for me is if an avowed centrist like Obama can be mercilessly red-baited in this fashion what are the chances of an actual, grassroots-from-below, citizen’s movement led by actual Socialists of succeeding in contemporary American society?

Political scientist Adolph Reed comes the closest to articulating what I believe needs to be said regarding the prospects of an actual, grassroots, Progressive movement.

It’s a mistake to focus so much on the election cycle; we didn’t vote ourselves into this mess, and we’re not going to vote ourselves out of it. Electoral politics is an arena for consolidating majorities that have been created on the plane of social movement organizing. It’s not an alternative or a shortcut to building those movements, and building them takes time and concerted effort. Not only can that process not be compressed to fit the election cycle; it also doesn’t happen through mass actions. It happens through cultivating one-on-one relationships with people who have standing and influence in their neighborhoods, workplaces, schools, families, and organizations. It happens through struggling with people over time for things they’re concerned about and linking those concerns to a broader political vision and program. This is how the populist movement grew in the late nineteenth century, the CIO in the 1930s and 1940s, and the civil rights movement after World War II. It is how we’ve won all our victories. And it is also how the right came to power.

What is interesting to me is that such a movement, if it ever becomes a reality, will be thoroughly and mercilessly red-baited. No ifs, ands, or buts about it. If you think the red-baiting and slander that Obama (who is no radical) has gotten is bad, just wait when an actual radical social movement which truly threatens to upset the status quo comes around the corner.

When that happens, will support wilt for this movement? Will people associated with this movement be considered pariahs and be effectively marginalized to irrelevance? Can a genuine, people-powered movement based on Socialist (or any Populist) principles gain sufficient traction based on a sound analysis of social and economic issues and genuine advocacy for ordinary and working peoples’ interests? Will the general public recognize the movement as truly representing their interests?

You must first define what it means to “succeed” as a social and political movement. Is it to run candidates in electoral politics and win elections and offices on the local level all the way to the state and national levels? Is it to sway public opinion on certain issues so they will vote for certain candidates over others hence, applying pressure on elected officials? Is it to build an actual, working movement, attract members and raise the consciousness of the American populace?

Can these goals be met in an atmosphere of hostile red-baiting?


Meditations on the Death of a Working Class Folk Hero (Part 1)

July 5, 2008
2 Comments

Recently deceased Crispin “Ka Bel” Beltran is introduced in Wikipedia:

A Filipino politician and a labor leader. A staunch critic of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, his imprisonment in 2006 and 2007 on disputed charges of rebellion and sedition drew international attention. As a member of 13th Congress of the Philippines with the Anakpawis or the ‘Toiling Masses Partylist’ and former chair of Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU), a militant and progressive labor movement, he was a major figure in contemporary Filipino history.

According to the Kilusang May Uno web site:

Crispin Beltran is … the epitome of militancy and progressive lawmaking in the country. He [was] the Chairman of the national political party Anakpawis (Toiling Masses) Partylist and is its re-elected Representative in the Philippine Congress. Having been an activist for over fifty long years, Ka Bel is esteemed by laborers, peasants, urban poor and other marginalized sectors as a true defender of the toiling masses and staunch critic of privatization, deregulation and other destructive policies of globalization.

A recent Youngblood column at the Philippine Daily Inquirer provides a glimpse into his credibility and how endeared he is among ordinary people-the “masa” or masses in Philippine society:

I did not bother to haggle anymore. Then I handed her a piece of paper on which I had copied the epitaph my father wrote: “Pagpugay sa dakilang anak ng uring manggagawa, Ka Bel; Ang buhay at alaala mo’y titis ng pag-asa sa pakikibaka ng uri. – Kas. George.” (In honor of a son of the working class. Ka Bel, your life and memory is an inspiration and hope of the struggle of the working class – Comrade George)

The vendor was shocked by the long message. I figured that she was used to writing only “Condolence and sympathy” on the ribbon. But she talked so loud that the other vendors came over.

“Santissima! Kay Ka Bel mo ba ibibigay?” (My goodness, are you giving it to Ka Bel?) a vendor of Lego-like toys asked.

I nodded and smiled.

“Diyos ko, Mare, huwag mo na singilin!” she told the flower vendor. “Kay Ka Bel naman pala eh. Kapatid natin iyon sa pakikibaka.” (My God, then don’t charge her. It’s for Ka Bel. He is our brother in the struggle).

Liberal Arts Dude sez:

I racked my brain trying to think of who in contemporary American politics would be the American version of Ka Bel-someone who is not only a champion of ordinary people in the arena of law and activism but also someone who is beloved by those whom he championed and is widely and highly regarded by the working class as one of their own. Someone who is widely and nationally known, highly esteemed and respected as a genuine working-class folk hero. Much to my chagrin I could not think of anyone.

Tony Mazzocchi who tried to organize a Labor Party is the closest example that I can think of. Or perhaps Jim Hightower.

Otherwise it is to the past that I delve into: Eugene Debs, Robert La Follette, Mother Jones, Martin Luther King or Malcolm X.

I feel sad and disappointed that in contemporary U.S. politics that I have to really think long, deep and hard to find a true American counterpart to Ka Bel. And that I had to go to the distant past to do so.

This brings to my mind two conclusions:

  1. There are no working class heroes anymore in contemporary American society and that is both sad and bad for American society
  2. There are working class heroes but they toil and do their work in obscurity. This indicates something both sad and bad about American society

I’ll delve into what these mean in Part II.


Deer Hunting with Jesus

October 31, 2007
2 Comments

deerhunting.jpgI recently read Joe Bageant’s book Deer Hunting with Jesus: Dispatches from America’s Class War. I highly recommend this book. If you are at all interested in lyrical prose, politics, and social class this is a book not to be missed.

Bageant combines great writing with razor-sharp insights that only one descended from the white, rural, American working class can make. The book is preachy, angry, sad, outraged, poignant, funny as all hell in parts and a sophisticated analysis of the politics of the American class and caste system—all at the same time.

The book explains the phenomenon of working-class people who seem to—in droves—display political behavior against their economic interests by consistently voting Republican in elections and adopting conservative attitudes. Bageant dives deep into the subject by retelling the story of moving back to Winchester, Virginia, his hometown, and hanging out and socializing with his childhood friends and neighbors.

Rather than take the easy way out of condescending to his subject matter, Bageant shows compassion and understanding in explaining working class political beliefs and behavior in Winchester, Virginia. He cites the narrow worldview, lack of education and latent racism of his subjects as contributing to the state of affairs. But he reserves his roundest condemnation to middle class Democrats and liberals who seem to have abandoned small towns and rural folks like the ones in Winchester.

Bageant argues that Democrats and middle-class, progressive liberals do not really have any meaningful social contact with working class folks. They operate in totally different social spheres which often do not cross. Despite Democrat and liberal claims to represent the interests of the common man, most people who consider themselves progressive look down on the values and culture of Winchester folks and do not make a serious effort to engage rural, working class whites politically. And that is a mistake. According to Bageant:

The fact is that liberals and working people need each other to survive the growing economic calamity delivered to us by the regime that promised to “run this country like a business.” Sooner or later, despite the Democrats’ wins in the 2006 mid-term elections, the left must genuinely connect face-to-face with Americans who don’t necessarily share all of their priorities and especially with Americans who have not been voting, if the left is ever to be relevant again to working America. If the left is not about class equity, what is it about? (page 15)

All in all, Bageant’s book is an excellent primer for anyone who is interested in working class culture and its potential for progressive politics. To this Asian-American, middle-class liberal, much of what Bageant had to say were eye-opening and it would not be remiss to say that I have much to learn if I want to be part of an effort among progressives to reach out the white working class as political allies.


The Working Class Vote (Part 2)

October 27, 2007
5 Comments

In a previous post I presented a debate between the ideas of author Thomaskansascover1.jpg Frank and the New York Times columnist Paul Krugman who cites economic data based on the work of economist Frank Bartels on the voting behavior of white, working class registered voters.

Basically, Thomas Frank paints a very different picture than what Krugman and Bartels present: whereas Frank sees the white working class voting behavior as largely leaning Republican and primarily driven by “values issues” such as gun ownership, abortion, and gay marriage, Bartels and Krugman argue that the white working class vote—except for the South—has largely remained Democratic in the past few election cycles. They argue that the narrative Thomas Frank presents in his book What’s the Matter with Kansas is largely a myth and not based on empirical data. Thomas Frank issues a rebuttal of Bartels paper here.

Liberal Arts Dude sez:

Although I have tremendous respect for Paul Krugman, I think his analysis completely ignores a larger point that Thomas Frank made in his book which I think is an important one and deserves to be debated and widely discussed. More than an observation of voting behavior of the working class, WMK is also a potent critique of the ideological and policy thrust of the Democratic Party in the 1990s under Bill Clinton. According to Frank, what made the Republican strategy of focusing on “values issues” possible and so successful is that the Democratic leadership has swung rightward in matters of economic policy to the point that they are virtually indistinguishable from the Republicans.

If the Republicans are for free trade, so are the Democrats. If the Republicans are for tax cuts, so are the Democrats. If the Republicans are for raising money from corporate sponsors and representing their interests primarily, so are the Democrats. If Republicans are for ending welfare for poor people, so are the Democrats.

According to Frank, what distinguished Democrats from Republicans—after economic and trade policy has been taken off the table—are social values issues such as gay marriage, abortion and gun ownership. And in these matters, the socially conservative American working class will always vote on the side of the Republicans. Without a countervailing dynamic where working class people recognize the Democrats as representing their economic interests, working class people have no real options in the voting booth that reflects their concerns and interests—except the Republicans and the focus on traditional social values issues.

I think in this election cycle of 2008, some Democratic candidates have recognized this dynamic and have adjusted their strategy of appealing to voters to be more Populist-sounding. The one that has really done this with the most commitment is John Edwards. Barack Obama is also widely recognized and bases his appeal to the voter through a reputation as an anti-establishment maverick. Even frontrunner Hillary Clinton is making a big deal about promoting some sort of universal healthcare plan.

But I think that more than just having an image problem, the Democratic Party has an actual problem of whether or not it truly does represent the interests of ordinary, working people. Frank’s argument—which I agree with—is that the types of economic policies Democrats have followed when they are in power are virtually indistinguishable from the types of economic policies Republicans follow. Where they differ is probably a matter of degree.

Where does that leave ordinary, working class folks? Do either of the mainstream political parties truly represent their economic interests? If not, on what basis should ordinary, working class folk make their vote when presented with a choice between the two major parties? What other options do ordinary, working class people have in making their voices heard in the political arena?

I ask these questions because the working class vote is potentially huge. If all working class people voted their economic interests either for or against either of the major parties, the consequences are potentially great. I argue in this post that the best advocates working class people are going to have are themselves exercising their political rights and empowering themselves by advocating for their own interests.


The Working Class Vote (Part 1)

October 25, 2007
1 Comment

What’s the Matter with KansasWhat’s the Matter with Kansas” is an influential political book by Thomas Frank that was published in 2004. The book makes an argument of the emergence of a dominant political coalition in the Republican Party which unites business interests with conservative, blue-collar folks.

According to Frank economic conservatives won the heart and minds of working-class America by convincing people of modest means to vote against their own economic interests. This was done by appealing to their sense of traditional cultural values as beseiged by liberal cultural elites. The end result has been a populist uprising to vote Republican based on values issues such as abortion, gay marriage, and gun control . However, the end result has been to successfully push the Republican economic agenda of tax cuts, deregulation, free trade, and corporate welfare.

In his provocative paper, “What’s the Matter with What’s the Matter with Kansas?” political scientist Frank Bartels challenges Frank’s theses and conclusions. Bartels summarizes his findings thus:

  • Has the white working class abandoned the Democratic Party? No. White voters in the bottom third of the income distribution have actually become more reliably Democratic in presidential elections over the past half-century, while middle- and upper-income white voters have trended Republican. Low-income whites have become less Democratic in their partisan identifications, but at a slower rate than more affluent whites – and that trend is entirely confined to the South, where Democratic identification was artificially inflated by the one-party system of the Jim Crow era.
  • Has the white working class become more conservative? No. The average views of low-income whites have remained virtually unchanged over the past 30 years. (A pro-choice shift on abortion in the 1970s and ‘80s has been partially reversed since the early 1990s.) Their positions relative to more affluent white voters – generally less liberal on social issues and less conservative on economic issues – have also remained virtually unchanged.
  • Do working class “moral values” trump economics? No. Social issues (including abortion) are less strongly related to party identification and presidential votes than economic issues are, and that is even more true for whites in the bottom third of the income distribution than for more affluent whites. Moreover, while social issue preferences have become more strongly related to presidential votes among middle- and high-income whites, there is no evidence of a corresponding trend among low-income whites.
  • Are religious voters distracted from economic issues? No. The partisan attachments and presidential votes of frequent church-goers and people who say religion provides “a great deal” of guidance in their lives are much more strongly related to their views about economic issues than to their views about social issues. For church-goers as for non-church-goers, partisanship and voting behavior are primarily shaped by economic issues, not cultural issues.

Economist Paul Krugman writes about Bartel’s findings here and here in his New York Times blog.


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